Abstract

The extent of the Islamic regime's transgressions against the Iranian nation is beyond comprehension. Tens of political prisons like Evin stand as stark symbols of the regime's inclination to suppress dissent, incarcerating those who dare to voice their yearning for freedom and democracy. The violations against anyone seeking freedom constitute a sinister tapestry woven with threads of ruling totalitarianism, brutality, and a disregard for the very principles ostensibly upheld by the Nobel Peace Prize. Nevertheless, the Norwegian custodians of the Nobel Peace Prize bestow these accolades upon individuals who have not been supported by the Iranian nation, owing to their affiliation with the regime's reformist faction (Suren-Pahlav, 2011). This faction, led by Mir Hossein Mousavi [1] who once held the reins of the regime, has a portfolio of human rights abuses registered in their name. Today, having fallen from grace, they seemingly concur with everything the Islamic Republic stands for, including the regressive Sharia laws. However, they now seek a more palatable version of it – perhaps akin to a vegetarian wolf.

Nobel Peace Prize or Nobel Oppression Prize?

Upon contemplation of the bestowal of the Nobel Peace Prize, a disconcerting trend emerges, prompting a poignant inquiry into the motivations of the Norwegian arbiters who wield influence over this esteemed accolade. Notably, laureates such as Shirin Ebadi and Narges Mohammadi are ostensibly celebrated for their purported contributions to the advancement of democracy and human rights, particularly within the confines of the Islamo-fascist Regime in Iran. Paradoxically, both have been fervent supporters of the regime’s reformist faction, perceived as the primary obstacle to toppling the regime.

This faction, conceived through a calculated manoeuvre designed to present the regime as a democratic entity on the global stage, strategically secures its perpetuity for posterity.[2] Subsequently, all reformists play a pivotal role in fortifying the regime's stranglehold on power, even at the cost of self-sacrifice, whether by languishing in prison under the dubious label of opposition or facing execution, akin to suicide bombers. It is imperative to underscore that the Islamic regime lacks democratic legitimacy, as even the appointments of its presidents are orchestrated by the despotic Ali Khamenei, rather than emanating from the collective will of the Iranian nation.

As a consequence, when Shirin Ebadi was bestowed with the prestigious accolade, she opted to divert her censure away from the heinous acts perpetrated by the Islamo-Fascist regime of mullahs. Instead of addressing, for instance, the notorious Evin prison where tens of thousands have been subjected to torture, rape, and executions, she directed her criticism towards the United States and Israel. Inexplicably, she refrained from rebuking the oppressors in Tehran who rightfully deserved condemnation, choosing instead to focalise on Guantanamo Bay and alleged human rights abuses by the United States. Similarly, Narges Mohammadi, as the most recent recipient, adheres to the faction's policy, disregarding the plight of tens of thousands of courageous Iranian women and men incarcerated and subjected to torture for daring to challenge the oppressive regime. And thus, when her husband, named Taghi Rahmani, a pro-reform faction journalist and member of new fundamentalist Islamic group in Paris called 'Jamiat Rahman', who, upon accepting the Nobel Peace Prize on her behalf, chose to divert attention from the Islamic regime's crimes against humanity. Instead of unequivocally condemning the regime, he embarked on an assault against Donald Trump, indirectly attributing all the regime's oppressive policies, mismanagement of the country, pillaging, exporting terrorism, executions, murders, rapes, and other nefarious deeds of the regime to him for tearing up the JCPOA pact.

Taqi Rahmani, who received the Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of his wife, is a member of a new Islamic fundamentalist group in Paris called Jamiat-e Raman.

Adding to the absurdity, Narges Mohammadi, purportedly presenting herself as a prisoner of the regime, not only managed to gain weight, a departure from the typical transformation of genuine political prisoners into skeletal figures but also found the means to initiate a telephonic conversation with Hollywood actress Angelina Jolie in the United States. All the while, she asserts that the regime has denied her fundamental rights, including the ability to communicate with her children.

To clarify further; the genuine political detainees in Iran are reduced to nothing more than possessing a deceased status. Beyond their physical and mental manifestations, sporadically manifesting to the external realm, which unequivocally attests to their tenuous vitality as a consequence of the inhumane practices of the regime's prison apparatus, subjecting them to various forms of physical and psychological torment, including but not limited to burning, battering, and sexual abuse, their families remain entirely uninformed of their destiny. The ambiguity persists as to whether these individuals exist in a state of life or death. Moreover, a substantial number purported to be alive are, in reality, interred in unmarked graves. For instance, 74 young people who were part of a large crowned attended the mausoleum of Cyrus the Great on 2016 to commemorate his day, were detained by the regime's security services, 12 were executed, and to this date, the fate of the remaining 62 brave men and women is unknown (Suren-Pahlav, 2016).

Out of the 72 young men and women arrested for attending the commemoration of Cyrus the Great Day at his Mausoleum in Pasargadae, 12 were executed, and the whereabouts of the remaining 62 still remain unknown.

Consequently, assertions made by individuals such as Narges Mohammadi, professing to be political detainees, are incredulous, particularly when considering their purported freedom to disseminate visual documentation and written articles from their confinement or engage in telephonic interviews with figures of prominence, such as Angelina Jolie.

The Veracity or Potential Sanity of Norwegians Under Scrutiny

The enduring question beckons for a comprehensive examination: why, ensconced in the bastion of democratic principles and human rights, does the Nobel Committee consistently avert its gaze from the glaring transgressions of the Islamic regime in Iran? Moreover, the confounding aspect arises as the Committee chooses to confer these prestigious prizes upon the reformist faction of the Islamic regime. Simultaneously, within the Iranian landscape, a multitude of resilient women have valiantly combated the regime, not merely to challenge its oppressive authority but to instigate transformative change, advocating for peace, democracy, and freedom not only for Iran but for the entire region.

The dissonance between the Committee's selections and the endeavours of these women, who stand on the frontline against the regime's tyrannies, prompts an imperative exploration of the possible affiliations. Is there a concealed connection between the Nobel Committee and the reformist faction of the regime? The recognition bestowed upon individuals like Shirin Ebadi and Narges Mohammadi, who maintain affiliations with the reformist elements, raises eyebrows and fosters an environment ripe for suspicion.

It is perplexing why the Committee, entrusted with upholding the principles of human rights, appears to turn a blind eye to the genuine champions of change and instead opts to shine its spotlight on those whose actions inadvertently lend legitimacy to the regime. Thousands of Iranian women, such as Mrs Fatemeh Sepehri, who is imprisoned, beaten, tortured, and remains steadfast in her pursuit of freedom, find themselves eclipsed by the accolades accorded to figures aligned with factions viewed by many as mere semblances of reform.

The very essence of the Nobel Peace Prize, designed to honour those who champion ideals of peace, justice, and human rights, appears compromised. This incongruity raises questions about the Committee's discernment and the potential influence of external factors, perhaps political considerations, in shaping their decisions. The intertwined relationship between laureates and the reformist faction, at the expense of those genuinely challenging the status quo, further clouds the Committee's credibility and the integrity of the esteemed accolade.

In essence, as the Nobel Committee continues its pattern of recognising figures within the reformist faction, the dissonance between their choices and the authentic advocates for change remains palpable. This disconcerting trend underscores the need for a meticulous and transparent evaluation of the Committee's affiliations and decision-making processes. Only through such scrutiny can the Nobel Peace Prize reclaim its noble standing as an unswerving symbol of commitment to the principles of peace, justice, and human rights, untarnished by political entanglements.

Conclusion

As we confront the disconcerting incongruities between the professed ideals of the Nobel Peace Prize and the actions of those who wield its authority, a well-contextualised interrogation is warranted. The Norwegian arbiters must confront the glaring discrepancy between their choices and the stark realities of the human rights abuses perpetrated by the Islamic regime in Iran. Only through an unflinching examination of these uncomfortable truths can the Nobel Peace Prize reclaim its hallowed stature as a symbol of unwavering commitment to the principles of peace, justice, and human rights.

Furthermore, it becomes evident that the regime is orchestrating the preparation of another pawn masquerading as a dissident, intended for exportation abroad to serve as a 'divide and conquer' agent. The regime has in fact successfully exported a number of such individuals previously. However, it is noteworthy that a majority of the Iranian nation harbours antipathy towards these individuals, considering their revelations as an exposure of their true colours.

Footnotes:

1 – This regime’s reformist faction (Suren-Pahlav, 2011), was created by Khomeini's prime minister and henchman named Seyed Mir Hossein Mousavi, who ordered the massacre of 3,000 political prisoners and were buried in mass graves. During an interview with an Austrian TV station in December 1988, Mousavi unabashedly defended the mass murder, asserting, "The revolution needed the blood, and he'll do it again." Mousavi shrewdly conceived the notion of crafting a deceptive opposition, giving rise to the so-called Green Movement. For further discussion of this claim, see Coughlin (2010), ‘Mir-Hossein Mousavi “involved in massacre”, says report’.

2 – For the avoidance of ambiguity, I do not consider the individual currently presented as Ali Khamenei to be the original person. I take the view that the original Khamenei died in late 2022 and that the person whom the Islamic regime now presents publicly under that name is a body double. Nevertheless, for the purposes of the present analysis, and in the absence of conclusive proof regarding the death of the original Khamenei, the individual in question is referred to throughout as Ali Khamenei  for the sake of terminological consistency. For further discussion of this claim, see Suren-Pahlav, (2022).

Bibliography:

• Coughlin, C. (2010) ‘Mir-Hossein Mousavi “involved in massacre”, says report’. The Daily Telegraph, 8 June. Available at: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/middleeast/iran/7811996/Mir-Hossein-Mousavi-involved-in-massacre-says-report.html (Accessed: 12 December 2023).

• Suren-Pahlav, S. (2011) ‘Reformism and the Green Movement: Factional Constructs in the Islamic Regime’s Strategy of 'False Opposition'’, suren-pahlav.com (22 February). Available at: https://www.suren-pahlav.com/en/the-reformist-movement-a-false-opposition-strategy-of-iran-s-totalitarian-theocratic-regime.html (Accessed: 12 December 2023).

• Suren-Pahlav, S. (2016) ‘A Call for the Release of 74 Detainees Following the Cyrus the Great Uprising’, suren-pahlav.com (3 November). Available at: https://www.suren-pahlav.com/en/release-the-detainees-of-the-cyrus-the-great-uprising.html (Accessed: 12 December 2023).

• Suren-Pahlav, S. (2022) ‘Khamenei Dies at 83: Power Vacuum, Predatory Struggle and an Impending National Catastrophe’, suren-pahlav.com (11 September). Available at: https://www.suren-pahlav.com/en/khamenei-dies-at-83-power-vacuum-predatory-struggle-and-an-impending-national-catastrophe.html (Accessed: 12 December 2023).